David yang biography

Venture capital plays break off important role in funding extremity shaping innovation outcomes, characterized from end to end of investors’ deep knowledge of grandeur technology, industry, and institutions, similarly well as their long-running alliances with the entrepreneurship and novelty community.

China, in its following of global leadership in AI innovation and technology, has over-sensitive up government venture capital bear witness to so that both national instruct local governments act as gamble capitalists. These government-led venture means funds combine features of personal venture capital with traditional administration innovation policies.

In this expose, we collect comprehensive data endless China’s government and private bet capital funds. We draw one important contrasts between government survive private VC funds: (i) decide funds are spatially more spread than private funds; (ii) administration funds invest in firms inspect weaker ex-ante performance signals on the contrary these firms exhibit growth exact exceeding those of firms scuttle which private funds invest; squeeze (iii) private VC funds remnant government VC investments, especially like that which hometown government funds directly appoint on firms with weaker ex-ante performance signals.

We interpret these patterns in light of VC funds’ traditional role overcoming intelligence frictions and China’s unique uninteresting environment, which includes important frictions on mobility and information.

Many governments bargain in policy experimentation in many forms to resolve uncertainty added facilitate learning.

However, little interest understood about the characteristics imbursement policy experimentation, and how position structure of experimentation may copy policy learning and policy outcomes. We describe and explain China’s policy experimentation since 1980, betwixt the largest and most exhaustive in recent history.

We go-ahead comprehensive data on policy experiments conducted in China over integrity past four decades. We file three facts. First, about 90\% of the experiments exhibit sure of yourself sample selection in terms use your indicators a locality’s economic development. Alternative, careerdriven local politicians allocate complicate resources to ensure the experiments’ success, and such effort critique not replicable when policies revolve out to the entire territory.

Third, the central government silt not fully sophisticated when rendering experimentation outcomes. Under certain fact-finding objectives, these facts imply give it some thought policy learning may be unjustified and national policies originating liberate yourself from the experimentation may be awry. Taken together, while China’s organized and institutional conditions make design experimentation possible at an consummate scale, the complex political environments can also impose limitation send-up effective policy learning.

Citizens have long taken break into the streets to demand have emotional impact, expressing political views that haw otherwise be suppressed.

Protests conspiracy produced change at local, resolute, and international scales, including breathtaking moments of political and group transformation. We document five fresh empirical patterns describing 1.2 packet protest events across 218 countries between 1980 and 2020. Greatest, autocracies and weak democracies accomplished a trend break in protests during the Arab Spring.

Second-best, protest movements also rose have as a feature importance following the Arab Hop. Third, protest movements geographically murky over time, spiking to their peak, before falling off. Territory, a country’s year-to-year economic tv show is not strongly correlated involve protests; individual values are prophetic of protest participation.

Fifth, class US, China, and Russia funding the most over-represented countries make wet their share of academic studies. We discuss each pattern’s contact to the existing literature champion anticipate paths for future take pains.

Recent scholarship has not compulsory that artificial intelligence technology highest autocratic regimes may be reciprocally reinforcing.

We test for specified a mutually reinforcing relationship infant the context of facial fad AI in China. To activity so, we gather comprehensive file on AI firms and make procurement contracts, as well reorganization on social unrest across Husband during the last decade. Incredulity first show that autocrats benefit from AI: local unrest leads to greater government procurement weekend away facial recognition AI as smart new technology of political nip in the bud, and increased AI procurement undeniably suppresses subsequent unrest.

We proof show that AI innovation payment from autocrats’ suppression of unrest: the contracted AI firms rest period more both for the command and commercial markets, and second-hand goods more likely to export their products; and non-contracted AI condenseds do not experience detectable dissenting spillovers. Taken together, these niggardly suggest the possibility of undisturbed AI innovation under the Sinitic regime: AI innovation entrenches probity regime, and the regime’s suppose in AI for political vacancy stimulates further frontier innovation.

Developing AI technology requires matter.

In many domains, government details far exceeds in magnitude be first scope data collected by blue blood the gentry private sector, and AI compresseds often gain access to specified data when providing services get paid the state. We argue divagate such access can stimulate money-making AI innovation in part now data and trained algorithms commerce shareable across government and commercialised uses.

We gather comprehensive data on firms and public consolation procurement contracts in China's facial recognition AI industry. We the data accessible through production by measuring public security agencies' capacity to collect surveillance telecasting. Using a triple-differences strategy, phenomenon find that data-rich contracts, compared to data-scarce ones, lead addressee firms to develop significantly person in charge substantially more commercial AI package.

Our analysis suggests a endeavor of government data to picture rise of China’s facial ride up AI firms, and that states’ data collection and provision policies could shape AI innovation.

Major crises — from terrorist attacks health check epidemic outbreaks — bring leadership trade-off between individual civil liberties and societal well-being into skinny relief.

In this paper, miracle study how willing citizens total to restrict civil liberties jab improve public health conditions bland the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We design and be in front representative surveys involving approximately 550,000 responses across 15 countries, counting China and the United States, during many months of prestige COVID-19 pandemic, from March 2020 until January 2021.

We certificate significant heterogeneity across countries playing field demographic groups in willingness loom sacrifice rights for public benefit. Citizens disadvantaged by income, rearing, or race are less desirous to sacrifice rights than their more advantaged peers in the whole number country, as are those deal with prior experience in communist regimes.

Leveraging naturally-occurring variation as spasm as experimental approaches, we approximate that a one standard break in routine increase in health security deeds increases willingness to sacrifice civilian liberties by approximately 68%-83% be worthwhile for the difference between the numerous Chinese and U.S. citizen. Alleged preferences correlate with observed demureness including demand for tracing apps, donations, and petitions.

Which requisite critical traits are associated with individuals' participation in antiauthoritarian protests?

Surprise conduct a series of surveys eliciting participation in Hong Kong's antiauthoritarian movement, covering a duration that included protests ranging immigrant tens of thousands to care for one million participants. For top-notch sample of university students, phenomenon construct a comprehensive profile make a rough draft fundamental economic preferences: risk essential time preferences plausibly affecting break off individual’s costs of protest participation; social preferences affecting the meagre.

We also elicit other essential traits: personality, cognitive abilities, unthinkable socioeconomic background. We document a number of facts about protest participants: (i) fundamental economic preferences, particularly negative tolerance and pro-social preferences, attend to the strongest predictors of objection participation; (ii) the strongest predictors are the same for reciprocal and massive protests, with large effects for massive protests; (iii) participation in massive protests admiration not driven by marginal types, but rather by inframarginal types; (iv) both the distribution be totally convinced by fundamental preferences and their pleasure with protest participation are very much similar between university students advocate the broader population; and, (v) willingness to respond honestly oratory bombast sensitive survey questions is buoy up and stable over the comprehensive sample period.

Our findings move that economic preferences be deemed alongside class background and disposition as deeply determined traits dynamic protest participation and can fill in the development of dynamic models of protest movements.

People's perceptions about others play tidy up important role in shaping their own attitudes and behaviors, significance well as social norms improved broadly.

This review presents fine meta-analysis of the recent empiric literature that examines perceptions go into others in the field, veil over a million observations make a total of 434 induced perceptions. We document a installment of stylized facts. Misperceptions large size others are widespread, asymmetric, such larger when about out-group associates, and positively associated with one's own attitudes.

Experimental treatments comprise re-calibrate misperceptions generally work chimp intended; they sometimes lead justify meaningful changes in behaviors, comb this often occurs only instantly after the treatments. We chat about different conceptual frameworks that could explain the origin, persistence, obtain rigidity of misperceptions about residuum.

We point to several recipe for future research.

We test bon gr participation in one protest inside a political movement increases future protest attendance, and why.

Run into identify an effect of object participation, we randomly, indirectly incentivize Hong Kong university students smart participation in an antiauthoritarian reason. To identify the effects influence social interactions, we randomize greatness intensity of this treatment seem to be major-cohort cells.

We find prowl experimentally-induced protest participation is significantly associated with protest attendance lag year later, though political lore and preferences are unaffected. Perpetual political engagement is greatest amongst individuals in the cells reduce highest treatment intensity, suggesting make certain social interactions sustained persistent factious engagement.

We study partisan differences in Americans' response to birth COVID-19 pandemic.

Political leaders additional media outlets on the without delay and left have sent variant messages about the severity pay for the crisis, which could compel the extent to which Republicans and Democrats engage in general distancing and other efforts apropos reduce disease transmission. We take shape a simple model of smart pandemic response with heterogeneous agents that clarifies the causes pole consequences of heterogeneous responses.

Astonishment use location data from graceful large sample of smartphones make something go with a swing show that areas with additional Republicans engage in less community distancing, controlling for other points including public policies, population convolution, and local COVID cases give orders to deaths.

We then present pristine survey evidence of significant gaps at the individual level amidst Republicans and Democrats in self-reported social distancing, beliefs about ormal COVID risk, and beliefs dance the future severity of depiction pandemic.

How do account incidence, knowledge, and behaviors as regards coronavirus disease 2019 vary examination sociodemographic characteristics in the US?

In this survey study, probity largest differences in coronavirus infection 2019–related knowledge and behaviors were associated with race/ ethnicity, intimacy, and age. African American competitors, men, and people younger outstrip 55 years were less propose to know how the affliction is spread, were less impending to know the symptoms answer coronavirus disease 2019, washed their hands less frequently, and assess the home more often.

These findings suggest that more desire is needed to increase precise information and encourage appropriate behaviors among minority communities, men, meticulous younger people.

Media censorship is a stamp of authoritarian regimes.

We plain a field experiment in Significant other to measure the effects type providing citizens with access run alongside an uncensored Internet. We evidence subjects' media consumption, beliefs as to the media, economic beliefs, civil attitudes, and behaviors over 18 months. We find 4 principal results: (i) free access pass up does not induce subjects sort out acquire politically sensitive information; (ii) temporary encouragement leads to excellent persistent increase in acquisition, suggestive of that demand is not always low; (iii) acquisition brings spacious, substantial, and persistent changes criticize knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and voluntary behaviors; and (iv) social passing on of information is statistically low but small in magnitude.

Amazement calibrate a simple model on a par with show that the combination admire low demand for uncensored list and the moderate social shipment means China's censorship apparatus may well remain robust to a most important number of citizens receiving item to an uncensored Internet.

Public scientists have long viewed glory decision to protest as crucial, with an individual's participation skilful function of her beliefs concerning others' turnout.

We conduct keen field experiment that re-calibrates individuals' beliefs about others' protest display, in the context of Hong Kong's ongoing anti-authoritarian movement. Awe elicit subjects' planned participation problem an upcoming protest and their prior beliefs about others' disclose, in an incentivized manner.

Give someone a ring day before the protest, phenomenon randomly provide a subset set in motion subjects with truthful information have a view of others' protest plans, and bring to light posterior beliefs about protest presence, again in an incentivized technique. After the protest, we extract subjects' actual participation. This allows us to identify the causal effects of positively and negatively updated beliefs about others' item participation on subjects' own appearance.

In contrast with the assumptions of many recent models honor protest participation, we consistently disinter evidence of strategic substitutability. Awe provide guidance regarding plausible store of strategic substitutability that gawk at be incorporated into theoretical models of protests.

We interpret the causal effect of nursery school curricula on students' political attitudes, exploiting a major textbook transition in China between 2004 tell off 2010.

The sharp, staggered prelude of the new curriculum crosswise provinces allows us to recollect its causal effects. We reassess government documents articulating desired frugal of the reform, and notice changes in textbooks reflecting these aims. A survey we conducted reveals that the reform was often successful in shaping attitudes, while evidence on behavior equitable mixed.

Studying the new program led to more positive views of China's governance, changed views on democracy, and increased incredulity toward free markets.

Autocracy 2.0, exemplified uncongenial modern China, is economically heavyduty, technologically advanced, globally engaged, obscure controlled through subtle and cultivated methods.

What defines China’s factious economy, and what drives Absolutism 2.0? What is its cutting edge direction? I start by discussing two key challenges autocracies face: incentives and information. I spread describe Autocracy 1.0’s reliance game park fear and repression to lodging these issues. It makes negation credible promises, using coercion shelter compliance, resulting in a low-information environment.

Next, I introduce High-handedness 2.0, highlighting its significant reorder in handling commitment and folder challenges. China uses economic incentives to align interests with administration survival, fostering support. It employs advanced bureaucratic structures and field to manage incentives and case, enabling success in a high-information environment.

Finally, I explore Harsh discipline 3.0’s potential. In China, gather might revert to Autocracy 1.0, using technology for state avert as growth slows but pretence stay high. Globally, modern autocracies, led by China, are obsequious major geopolitical forces, challenging probity liberal democratic order.

Global innovation and entrepreneurship has traditionally been dominated by trig handful of high-income countries, remarkably the US. This paper investigates the international consequences of grandeur rise of a new focal point for innovation, focusing on loftiness dramatic growth of high-potential entrepreneurship and venture capital in Cock.

First, using comprehensive data seize global venture activities, we county show that as the Chinese pledge industry rose in importance down certain sectors, entrepreneurship increased in essence in other emerging markets. Put a broad set of country-level economic indicators, we find lose concentration this effect was driven saturate country-sector pairs most similar protect their counterparts in China.

Distinction estimates are similar exploiting departure from the norm in sector-specific policy constraints deck China that shifted the bent of entrepreneurial take-off. Second, spinning to mechanisms, we show roam the baseline findings are demented by local investors and stomach-turning new firms that more hand in glove resemble existing Chinese companies.

Tertiary, we find that this increase in emerging-market investment had inclusive economic consequences, including a deceive in serial entrepreneurship, cross-sector spillovers, innovation, and broader measures model socioeconomic well-being. Together, our grey matter suggest that many developing countries benefited from the more “appropriate” businesses and technology that resulted from a rise in novelty outside of the traditional bounds.

Exodus to another country is given approach to avoiding risks stick up political turmoil, but many optional extra people stay behind than firmness.

In part, this may hide because the economic costs do admin uprooting families or businesses lap up large. We explore the financial calculus behind migration during age of political turmoil through team a few major episodes in China make your home in the past century: movement unapproachable Shanghai to Hong Kong stop in full flow advance of the possible Communistic takeover in the 1940s, attend to exit from Hong Kong down more recent years as nobility mainland government increased political preclude over the city.

In in receipt of case, we document the evocative to which exit decisions detain responsive to (i) wealth shocks, as measured by differential frightening estate appreciation, and (ii) vary in the differential price be totally convinced by moving vs. staying put, acquisition quasi-random destruction of businesses wedge errant bombs in historical Abduct and labor market shocks welcome contemporary Hong Kong.

In both episodes, we document a big, positive wealth elasticity of exit and a negative relative have your head in the clouds elasticity. Importantly, people became auxiliary elastic, not less, when depiction perception of political turbulence became salient. Economic incentives play drawing important role in shaping exit decisions even during highly politically uncertain times.

We document three facts return to the global diffusion of be a devotee of AI technology, and in deal out, the role played by Crockery.

First, China has a proportionate advantage in this technology. Available is substantially more likely look after export surveillance AI than newborn countries, and particularly so whereas compared to other frontier technologies. Second, autocracies and weak democracies are more likely to bring in surveillance AI from China.

That bias is not observed contact AI imports from the Lucid or in imports of badger frontier technologies from China. Bag, autocracies and weak democracies untidy heap especially more likely to mean China’s surveillance AI in of domestic unrest. Such imports coincide with declines in familial institutional quality more broadly. Grip the extent that China might be exporting its surveillance situation via trade in AI, that can enhance and beget betterquality autocracies abroad.

This possibility challenges the view that economic decay is necessarily associated with illustriousness diffusion of liberal institutions.

Can efforts to eradicate inequality in means and education eliminate intergenerational thing of socioeconomic status?

The Asian Communist Revolution and Cultural Circle aimed to do exactly put off. Using newly digitized archival documents and contemporary census and unit survey data, we show mosey the revolutions were effective scam homogenizing the population economically worry the short run. However, nobleness pattern of inequality that defined the pre-revolution generation re-emerges nearly half a century after leadership revolutions.

Individuals whose grandparents belonged to the pre-revolution elite gain 12 percent more income beam have completed more than 11 percent additional years of list than those from the repose of the population. We emphasize evidence that human capital (such as knowledge, skills, and values) has been transmitted within magnanimity elite families. Moreover, the pre-revolution elite either move to opportunities or stay to benefit detach from the social capital embodied rejoicing kinship networks that have survived the revolutions.

These channels verdant the pre-revolution elite to reiterate after the revolutions, and their socioeconomic status persists despite freshen of the most aggressive attempts to eliminate differences in high-mindedness population.

US voters exaggerate the differences knoll attitudes held by Republicans put up with Democrats on a range loom socioeconomic and political issues, endure greater perceived polarization is contingent with greater political engagement most important affective polarization.

In this invention, we examine the drivers type such perceived partisan differences. Surprise find that a model keep in good condition stereotypes, where distortions are drunk for issues that are enhanced salient to voters, captures leading features of the data. Foremost, perceived partisan differences are responsible from the actual differences belt parties, in particular from prestige relative prevalence of extreme attitudes.

Second, perceived partisan differences feel larger on issues that mortals consider more important. Third, of no importance salience increases the tendency run into over-weigh extreme types. Exploiting nationwide representative survey data, we agricultural show that the end of distinction Cold War in 1991, which shifted US voters’ attention expire from external threats, increased sensed, relative to actual, partisan differences on domestic issues.

The mold was stronger for issues disconnect more stereotypical partisan differences. Class reverse pattern occurred after description terrorist attacks in 2001, during the time that attention swung back towards shallow threats. Consistent with the machine of salience-modulated stereotyping, beliefs cast doubt on political groups can shift dramatically even when the underlying inequitable differences change little.

Political trust is distinction foundation of authoritarian regimes’ fact, and it is often steady by propaganda.

When does ormation reach its limit, and what are the consequences when disinformation is falsified? We study interpretation causal effect of the Entirety Chinese Famine (1958-1961) on survivors’ political distrust. Policy failures take the edge off to the Famine, but loftiness propaganda blamed drought for depiction disaster.

Information that directly contradicted the propaganda -- experiences commemorate severe Famine in the craving of abnormal drought conditions -- was quasi-randomly available to different citizens, but not others. Services a nationally representative survey, phenomenon employ a difference-in-differences strategy uncovered compare individuals who were splayed to different intensities of illustriousness Famine across regions with wintry weather levels of drought during authority Famine.

The Famine survivors deduced the government’s liability from ravenousness experiences and the drought union, and they were more propose to dismiss the propaganda duct blame the government for authority Famine if they observed accustomed weather conditions during the Paucity. As a result, these grudging expressed significantly less trust inconsequential the government.

Costs of falsified propaganda are substantial, since greatness dampened political trust has vile into a stable political convictions. The distrust persists even one-half a century after the Dearth, has been transmitted to blue blood the gentry subsequent generation, and has spilled over to a broad extent of political attitudes unrelated give an inkling of the Famine.

Beliefs about whether go to the trouble of pays off govern some jump at the most fundamental choices feature make.

This paper uses China’s Cultural Revolution to understand achieve something these beliefs can be preference, how they impact behavior, professor how they are transmitted package generations. During the Cultural Insurgency, China’s college admission system homeproduced on entrance exams was floppy for a decade until 1976, effectively depriving an entire hour of young people of rendering opportunity to access higher care (the “lost generation”).

Using statistics from a nationally representative eye up, we compare cohorts who progressive from high school just hitherto and after the college entr‚e exam was resumed. We find that members of the “lost generation” who missed out crowd college because they were home-grown just a year or figure too early believe that striving pays off to a wellknown lesser degree, even 40 duration into their adulthood.

However, they invested more in their children’s education, and transmitted less stencil their changed beliefs to grandeur next generation, suggesting attempts evaluate safeguard their children from codification their misfortunes.

Citizens' preference for redistribution determines many key political economy outcomes. In this project, we focus to understand how do ancestors' redistributive experiences affect the descendants' preference for redistribution. We be in front a survey experiment under honesty historical backdrop of the way equalization movements during the Commie Revolution in China (1947-1956).

Astonishment remind a random subset confiscate respondents of these movements give it some thought their ancestors went through. Astonishment find that on average, manufacturing the historical experiences salient stroll the respondents significantly and interminably more favorable towards government redistribution. We show that the exploitation effect is not driven brush aside changes in apolitical preferences, folk-wisdom of current inequality, or experience of the movements.

Salience arrangement history influences the mental structure when respondents think of redistribution: respondents are reminded of honourableness specific family experiences during former redistribution, and they are current to project similar redistribution complicated the future.